David
Ruggles by Graham Hodges REVIEW
In
his 1832 annual message to the state of Georgia, Governor Wilson Lumpkin
asserted the need to treat the Cherokee Indians of his state with justice even
as the state pursued a policy that would evict the Cherokee from their
ancestral lands. “It is due to the character of the State,” Lumpkin said in that
speech,
“that this dependent people should be protected by
laws as liberal as may be consistent with their moral and intellectual
condition. To afford them such protection and to extend to them suitable privileges,
without endangering the rights of our own citizens, will require the most
careful deliberation and prudent forecast.”
The
Cherokee would have to leave, but not without some rights (i.e. the right to be
relocated instead of wiped out.) Forty years later, Supreme Court Justice Joseph
Bradley ruled in Bradwell v. Illinois that the male leaders of the State of Illinois
had the prerogative to decide whether or not the right to pursue a career as a
lawyer was something a woman could be permitted to do. In that 1873 decision,
he wrote,
“The humane movements of modern society, which have
for their object the multiplication of avenues for woman's advancement, and of
occupations adapted to her condition and sex, have my heartiest concurrence.
But I am not prepared to say that it is one of her fundamental rights and
privileges to be admitted into every office and position, including those which
require highly special qualifications and demanding special responsibilities.
In the nature of things it is not every citizen of every age, sex, and
condition that is qualified for every calling and position. It is the
prerogative of the legislator to prescribe regulations founded on nature,
reason, and experience for the due admission of qualified persons to
professions and callings demanding special skill and confidence. This fairly
belongs to the police power of the State; and, in my opinion, in view of the
peculiar characteristics, destiny, and mission of woman, it is within the
province of the legislature to ordain what offices, positions, and callings
shall be filled and discharged by men, and shall receive the benefit of those
energies and responsibilities, and that decision and firmness which are
presumed to predominate in the sterner sex.”
Like
Lumpkin, Bradley regarded it a genuine extension of beneficence on the part of white
men to give any consideration to a
powerless sub-population (Cherokee or women). Equality of rights were not for
Cherokees or women to insist upon and to do so betrayed a certain lack of
etiquette, even gratitude for the fraction of rights that white men offered.
It
is this belief of Wilson Lumpkin’s that the white men that controlled the
United States and the State of Georgia had a legitimate power to reduce or
eliminate a minority’s rights if they so wished - or to remove a population of
people to some other place out of the body politic - that so concerned free
black men like David Ruggles, living at a time when the American Colonization
Society wanted to take free black men like him and resettle them from New York
to Africa.
Ruggles
was just one articulate voice among many in antebellum America who understood
that rights were contestable things and, if not contested, potentially non-existent
things. Ruggles was not the first to take a stand for total equality. One can
look back to the argument that Lemuel Haynes (black Revolutionary War soldier
and later, Vermont pastor) made in 1776 as soon as he read the Declaration of Independence.
“Liberty, and freedom, is an
innate principle, which is unmovebly placed in the human species; and to see a
man aspire after it, is not enigmatical, seeing he acts no ways incompatible
with his own nature; consequently, he that would infringe upon a man's liberty
may reasonably expect to meet with opposition, seeing the defendant cannot comply
to non-resistance, unless he counter-acts the very laws of nature.
Liberty is a jewel which was
handed down to man from the cabinet of heaven, and is coaeval with his existence.
And as it proceed from the supreme legislature of the universe, so it is he
which hath a sole right to take it away; therefore, he that would take away a
man's liberty assumes a prerogative that belongs to another, and acts out of
his own domain.”
. . . And
the main proposition, which I intend for some brief illustration is this, namely,
That an African, or, in other terms, that a Negro may justly challenge,
and has an undeniable right to his liberty: Consequently, the practice of slave-keeping,
which so much abounds in this land is illicit.”
From
Lemuel Haynes, "Liberty Further Extended" (1776)
Ruggles would echo Lemuel
Haynes’ argument and up the anti by living consistently with it every day of
his life, not in slave-free Vermont but in slave contested New York City.
Someone once described integrity
as someone who is not a fraction (integrity comes from the word integer). A person
has integrity if what they think, what they say, what they feel, what they do
and who they are all come from the same place. David Ruggles is a good example
of that trait. He only lived to be 39 but as Dr. Graham Hodges has argued in
this biography,
“At the close of short,
powerful life, David Ruggles had a key role in the transformation of American
abolitionism by emphasizing an aggressive, confrontational style. Broken in body
by the struggle, he reinvented himself as a Hydropathical physician while
maintaining the battle against slavery. . . .
Ruggles pushed hard against the boundaries of contemporary anti-slavery. His
courageous actions against the daily indignities of slavery and it's infernal
accomplice, Northern racial prejudice, crystallized methods of the movement
against them. Again, although he did not invent it, Ruggles raised assistance
to fugitive slaves and confrontation against kidnappers and the illegal slave
trade to a much higher public profile. . . .
In his voluminous writings, Ruggles demonstrated a powerful sense of equality
with whites, especially antagonistic ones. Demonstrating immense courage,
Ruggles served as an example of black masculinity and was far in advance of
other black abolitionists in his attention to women's rights. His life was brief,
but his example of cogent intellectualism remains powerful to us today.
Self-sacrifice and direct confrontation with evil made his short life worth
living and emulating.
When David Ruggles saw the formation of a society to
send black people “back” to Africa (most had never seen it), he helped to
organize a counter organization. When Ruggles saw slave catchers in New York,
he published their names. When Ruggles met fugitive slaves (like Frederick
Douglas), he hid them and helped them find employment under different names. When
Ruggles saw pamphlets that demeaned the equality of black people, he wrote
pamphlets to counter them. When he saw propagandists for slavery or for
colonization fear mongering with assertions that abolition was a prelude to
amalgamation, Ruggles countered that such fears were ridiculous and unfounded. “Ruggles
contended that bias against mixed race marriage was all about public opinion”
writes Hodges. "Nature teaches no such repugnance" Ruggles insisted.
One can find no point where Ruggles was willing to
relent his original position. When he was required to sit in the black section
of a ferry or streetcar, he resisted being moved. When he saw arguments in
favor of prejudice in society, he started his own newspaper to contest the
assertion. On November 21, 1835, we are told, Ruggles and other friends of
human rights organized the fabled New York Committee of Vigilance and dedicated
themselves to protecting the city’s black population from the slaveocracy. When
he saw a fugitive slave in need of legal help, he raised money to provide it. When
he saw discriminatory laws passed, he resisted them. When Ruggles came to
understand that certain products sold in New York were tainted with the sin of
slavery, he opened a store and sold “free-produce.” Hodges writes,
“He also publicized
abolitionist sentiments in the advertisements, proclaiming that "the
sugars above mentioned are free sugars – they are manufactured by free people
not by slaves." Ruggles’ alliance with the free produce movement had
several effects. For one thing, it brought him into contact with white and
black women who were against slavery and for whom purchasing free produce goods
was a conscious moral choice, especially in a city with abundant food for sale."
Graham Hodges insists that people like David Ruggles
played a role in the abolition movement larger than their position in the
history books has given them. “Until recently, historians of the abolitionist
movement have over emphasized the efforts and achievements of white activists,”
Hodges writes,
“This slanted
historiography has resulted in a partial historical amnesia about the
contributions of African-American anti-slavery.”
His opposition to slavery and discrimination made no exceptions. On the issue of black
rights, he out Garrisoned William Lloyd Garrison by insisting on
confrontational violence if necessary. “To effect a mighty revolution such as the
general abolition of slavery,” Ruggles argued,
“requires agents, and
funds, and time, and influence. ... But while we long and labor for the
accomplishment of this noble cause, let us not lose sight of the minor evils,
which tend in the aggregate to make up that monstrous system of inequality; Let
us in every case of oppression and wrong, inflicted on our brethren, prove our
sincerity, by alleviating their sufferings, affording them protection, giving
them counsel, and thus in our individual spheres of action, prove ourselves
practical abolitionists.
Some abolitionists were “all hat and no cowboy.” Not
so David Ruggles. For his entire but short life, he thought globally and acted
locally to make his belief a reality: Human rights were not the gifts of white
men to be appreciated when doled out in half-measures. They were possessions
owned by all and worthy of defending with one’s own life.
“Ruggles’ dispute
marked a significant transition in the anti-slavery movement. As one who was
visibly active in direct struggle against the agents of slavery in the nation's
largest city, Ruggles took a strong stance in favor of personal resistance to
enslavement. As a core part of his practical abolitionism, personal resistance
made common sense to ordinary people, especially those beset by villainous
kidnappers.”
David Ruggles died a decade before John Brown but he
certainly would have understood him.
Question
for Comment: Recently, the Supreme Court struck down
the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA), making it unconstitutional for the Federal government
to treat a couple that a State regards as married as unmarried. Justice Alito in his dissent, argued that the Supreme Court
has been lured into assuming powers that he believes more properly belong to
the people's legislatures. Alito writes:
“What
Windsor and the United States seek, therefore, is not the protection of a
deeply rooted right but the recognition of a very new right, and they seek this
innovation not from a
legislative body elected by the people, but from unelected judges. Faced with
such a request, judges have cause for both caution and humility.”
In the mid 19th Century, there were many
who hoped that the Supreme Court could remove the need for the American people
to continue contentiously debating the rights of black people. Justice Tanney
tried to comply with their wishes by ruling in Dred Scott that current or former slaves and their descendants had “no rights which the white
man was bound to respect.”
Naturally, one might compare the Windsor case and the Dred Scott case by asking if same-sex
partners have any rights which heterosexual couples are bound to respect. If, as I suspect, you
believe that all rights have their source in God or they are not rights … If
you believe that no rights can be granted by a state that were not formerly
granted by God … and if you believe that books like Leviticus can be used to
accurately plumb the answer to what rights God would or would not grant, then
the question is hardly debatable. But if you believe that God grants people who
can suffer the right not to, or if you believe that the state has the power and
divine permission to grant some rights regardless of the disposition that God
holds towards them, or if you believe that Leviticus might not be the best
determinant of God’s present position on a social issue (we do not exclude
people with leprosy from our communities for example), then the question is
also hardly debatable.
I wonder if it is
possible to be David Ruggles consistent on either side of this question? I
wonder which side is easier to defend consistently?
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